Tuesday 21 November 2017

Merkel, May and Clinton and the return of the angry white man

Last year looked like a breakout year for female leaders in the western world. In June, Theresa May became prime minister of the UK; in early October, Hilary Clinton was in the ascendant (she was widely viewed to have thrashed Trump in the televised debates and ahead by a considerable margin in the polls); and Angela Merkel's role as German Chancellor since 2005 seemed unshakeable, as the longest-serving leader in the EU and G7 since 2014.

Now the tide has reversed. In November 2016 Clinton loses to Trump. In June 2017 May is shocked to have lost her majority in government, relying on the DUP as a crutch. In November 2017 FDP leader Christian Lindner pulls out of negotiations to form a coalition with Merkel's CD/CSU party in an apparent attempt to humiliate and weaken her leadership. Across the Western world, female leaders are humbled and punished for the 'hubris' of leadership in a way that will be familiar to any woman who has tried their hand at authority in arenas dominated by men.

In each case, who is the prime cause of this humbling? An angry white man. It may come as a surprise but the Donald, Jeremy Corbyn and Christian Lindner have two things in common: they use charisma to marshal anger at traditional modes of leadership; and they are men in a role traditionally occupied by men.

This combination has proved immensely damaging to female leaders, alongside declining privileges for white male populations, rising inequality, polarisation on the causes of declining privilege and an outraged sense of economic unfairness. For some portions of the electorate, whether consciously or unconsciously, it's a counter-revolt against the fruits of the feminist advance that has taken place since the 1960s.

Many perceived weaknesses of May (much as I dislike her e.g. for, among other things, her anti-immigrant values) and Clinton are amplified by a sense that they neither fit the iron lady role of past Anglo-Saxon female leaders nor the caring humane role traditionally desired in women; and that in walking the tightrope of a public persona they lack the charisma of their male opponents.

But I think it goes deeper than that to activity going on in the prefrontal cortex. Male privileges over female do not exist just in the human kingdom, but also in the kingdom of the great apes - and particularly our nearest ancestors, the chimpanzees. (I highly recommend Jane to everyone reading this; an astonishing film if you don't know the Jane Goodall story.) In the book Demonic Males: Apes and the Origins of Human Violence, Richard Wrangham and Dale Peterson show how male chimpanzees engage in intra-group hierarchical violence, violence against females and extra-group murdering raids. The most senior women rank below the least senior men. And just as in human beings, their behaviour is influenced by both logic and prefrontal cortex-mediated emotion.

So when many of us in the electorate are feeling emotional and want to pin the blame on others for things not going our way, naturally we point at the women at the top, unnaturally usurping traditional male authority. Sometimes they've got to power due to intra-group violence in the males of their party - witness May's easy path to power following the Johnson-Gove fiasco. And since the election in June this year, May has increasingly become a shield for the men advancing Brexit. She takes the flack so they don't get hit.

Why have these angry white men returned? 
1. The credit crunch, austerity, intra-EU tensions caused by state debt crises, and a general sense of malaise at the uneven gains of the past decade have all created a huge amount of anger. All of these issues seem to be caused by some remote logic, which makes sense enough to the technocratic governing classes, but little sense to the man in the street. Canny political actors have channeled this anger against the status quo.

2. Angry men are much more enchanting than angry women to the public at large. Angry men have figured out what's wrong with the big picture and they will forge a new path forward round the traditional thinking that sidesteps the technocracy seemingly at root of the malaise. Angry women are emotional and volatile and shouldn't be selected as leaders. Or so perception dictates. When sensible pragmatic, yet mutter Merkel becomes too much of a mutter and opens the border to immigrants, that's a step too far in caringness and must be stopped.

3. The internet has led to polarisation and media segmentation. The herd reactions, so brilliantly, sickeningly observed by Burke, are much easier to manipulate with micro-targeting. It shows in instant media online exactly who you should be angry with and who against. Stirring videos show the glorious angry white man in all his silverback glory telling it like it is; while the woman (excluding Merkel) robotically repeats worn political cliches that allow her to pass in the political sphere without being labelled emotional. And this polarisation plays both to the angry men of the radical left (Corbyn), right (Trump, Farage, AfD, Davis) and centre (Macron).

4. Traditional white male privileges are perceived as threatened. In the US, Trump says the threat is China, Mexico, North Korea - it's the yellow men, the olive men, the brown men. In the UK, it's nostalgia for the days of economic imperialism laissez-faireism when Britannia ruled the waves and never never never shall be slaves. In Germany, UK and the US it's the immigrants stupid. And this threat to the white order has parallels with threats to the masculinist order, parallels that tend to be exploited by the angry white men.

So when will we next see the political ladies in the ascendant? Not for a good long while, I'd guess, though Merkel may pull off the unexpected in the next few months. The political world of 2017 looks more like me and I'm angry about it.

Sunday 29 January 2017

Fragments of Feeling

A married friend, whose husband had months before asked for their divorce, once told me that she had never felt a sense of intimacy with him. But she still loved him.

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Is it wrong to write about someone else's feelings? I don't know.

-Feelings are real, her words.

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From encounters, I have learned that other cultures have a different dynamics of emotion from my own. An example at the broader level: shame is more prominent than guilt as an emotional driver in many Japanese cultures. But even entering the space of another family, one can feel sometimes the push and pull of repeated emotional positions, forces that have shaped the personalities of the family for years.

This is most evidently true for the very young, who depend day-by-day on their parent's or carer's favour. Each of us is born with some emotions more than others; but the particular emotions we have are shaped interpersonally.

If I write of someone else's feelings, I also write about how other's feelings have shaped myself and how my feelings have shaped others.

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I encountered a Czech couple in a hostel in Budapest once.

After a brief discussion with the Czech man, his partner said "I thought you weren't going to speak English on this trip." I had violated an unspoken rule.

I can't remember the context, but ironically I was telling him about Wordsworth - how in The Prelude, Wordsworth had been alienated by the city state and saw reconnecting with nature as the means to heal the violations of reason, and in particular, the kind of city violence unleashed by the French Revolution. This violence had caused a severe crisis in Wordsworth's personal life.

The Czech man replied that there were few such refuges, far from the urbanised world, in Europe anymore.

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I love cities. When I was young, I could not connect with Seamus Heaney and other nature poets I associated with the dominant poetic style of the 1990s. I have changed; but when the English countryside votes Brexit, tears rise in my heart.

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I don't know if I have ever met a person who accepts everyone. There are lines that cannot be crossed. 

If this is true for everyone, then we can say that each of us operates an unspoken set of rules. We have personal laws. We become angry or panic or react negatively when our laws are broken. 

Emily wanted a fairly predictable life. This summer I couldn't, or didn't, offer it to her.

Foolishly I presumed she would put up with the volatility.

Of the powers outside our control, there were three chief catalysts: the weather, my work and a seething anti-immigrant popular mood. May and June were the most miserable months of the year, weather-wise. My room flooded five times. My work hours went up and down like a yo-yo (mostly they were up). Then Brexit, and the appointment of Theresa May by default, our least favourite politician whose immigration policies had mostly kept us apart for more than ten months.

There were other big problems too, but I would rather not get into them. Suffice to say, the story I had been telling her and she had been telling herself about how moving to London would be better for her manifestly broke down when confronted with reality (a reality that could hardly be more badly timed).

I kept trying to make Emily happier, despite what was going wrong, by doing fun things on the weekend, which sometimes worked and sometimes didn't. But in doing so, I kept falling behind on practical decisions - wedding-related, or other aspects of personal life. And in between all this, I lost sight of the intimate side of our relationship, the world between us that had kept us together for five years.

That was the most frightening thing  - the sense that the various pressures around me had removed an essential part of myself, and which Emily would at one point confirm was the person she had fallen in love with. Then in July the most frightening thing was the breakup of our relationship.

Emily was faced with moving away from her country, her friends and her family. That's a lot of emotional bonds, and in retrospect I completely ignored this huge part of her emotional reality. I reasoned she was an intelligent woman who had made an intelligent decision and was blind to the fact that she was losing a lot of what made her feel great.


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Love needs vision to succeed.

A lover needs to recognise their lover's emotional realities, and even maintain some of their lover's fictions, or lose the loving bond. A marriage is no mere contract; a good husband or wife keeps their spouse's love in play and prioritises their lover's emotions. And, in different ways, I and Emily gave up before we got there.


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I came to emphasise in my mind that human beings have emotional realities, not easily sensible from their physical selves, while tutoring Keats' narrative poems. Keats plays tricks with both his characters and his reader's emotions in such a way as to reveal 
how the emotional reality of a person can be massively at variance with how physically they appear or seem; 
how interdependent our perceptions are with our emotions; and 
how manipulable our emotions and perceptions are. 
For our emotions are full of fictions - even, perhaps especially, the person who considers themself a 'realist'.

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The memory of Emily's love is falling away now. Mostly the past six months have been kind to me - family and friends gathered to support me, a few weeks after our breakup I went on a delightful holiday, then came back and joined a team at work that I greatly enjoy working with, I've been to lots of fun events - parties, gigs, plays, etc.

When I remember the source of my loneliness, it can bring sudden pangs of grief, but these seem to happen less and less now. I'm writing this piece partly so that I have something to look back at, to remember not to forget next time: -  that I only see fragments of feelings in others, which especially needs to be remembered for those I are most close to.


I feel ready to move on.